Staff Reports
Local activists in Prince George’s County pulled off what looks like a classic grassroots victory: a two‑year pause on approvals for hyperscale data centers that would have allowed the $5 billion Brightseat Tech Park to move forward on the old Landover Mall site. But recent reporting shows this “grassroots” campaign was amplified and organized by the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL) — a Marxist‑Leninist group that, through a tangled nonprofit network, has been linked in other investigations to Shanghai‑based financier Neville Roy Singham. That new allegation changes the story from a neighborhood protest into a national question about outside influence, transparency, and who really benefits when local growth gets stopped cold.
What happened on the ground
Taylor Frazier McCollum, a local mother, started a petition opposing the Brightseat Tech Park in mid‑2025. What began with a few dozen signatures swelled to roughly 20,000–25,000 and helped drive public opposition at task force meetings. The Prince George’s County Council then adopted resolution CR‑066‑2026 — a two‑year moratorium on accepting certain subdivision and site plan applications for “qualified data center” uses while the county reviews new zoning rules. The proposed Brightseat project was never small: public filings and industry trackers put it near $5 billion and as much as ~820 MW of capacity across multiple buildings.
Who actually helped stop the data center
Local reporting documents that the PSL/DC chapter pushed McCollum’s petition, ran trainings at libraries, staffed rallies, handed out signs with their logo, and promoted events on social channels. A PSL organizer even admitted, “We’ve been bringing people out to their meetings.” That’s not conjecture — it’s a visible organizing footprint. Conservatives raising alarms point to earlier investigations showing Neville Roy Singham funds a network of nonprofits and media that pushed narratives friendly to the People’s Republic of China. Recent conservative coverage ties PSL into that broader picture — though the key leap being alleged is that this local campaign was materially directed or financed by Singham’s network.
What’s proven — and what still needs proof
Here’s the cold, documented truth: the moratorium (CR‑066‑2026) exists; McCollum’s petition did grow to tens of thousands of signatures; PSL activists were visibly involved and helped amplify opposition. What has not been publicly proven is a direct money trail showing Singham or a China‑based actor paid or ordered PSL to run this local campaign. Journalistic investigations into Singham show he funded a global network and that his finances have drawn federal scrutiny, but connecting those dots to the Landover organizing requires records — receipts, bank transfers, or on‑the‑record admissions — that we do not yet have.
Why conservatives should care — and what should happen next
This isn’t just about development fights and trampoline‑park fantasies. Data centers are economic engines that bring jobs, contracts for local trades, and substantial tax revenue. Letting a $5 billion project die without full clarity on who amplified the opposition is irresponsible. County leaders, developers, and investigators should demand transparency: release records of organizers, disclose who paid for signs and canvassing, and trace any out‑of‑state funding. Lerner Enterprises should press for clarity on whether approvals are being lawfully blocked or merely bullied away. If outside ideological networks with foreign ties are intervening in American local planning, voters deserve to know who is pulling the strings — and whether those strings lead back to Beijing or merely to domestic activists with a lot of free time and a loud megaphone.
