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Retired Lt. Col. Allen West Urges Cutting Iran Off From Oil Revenue

Retired U.S. Army Lieutenant Colonel Allen West told Alex Marlow’s national radio show this week that the United States should “go after” Iran’s oil and gas revenue. On The Alex Marlow Show, West called Iran’s energy income the regime’s “center of gravity” and argued cutting Tehran off from that money is the way to force collapse. It’s a bold argument — one that deserves blunt discussion, not hand‑wringing platitudes.

West’s argument: hit the oil and gas lifeline

West laid out a simple idea: Iran’s government depends on oil and gas money to fund its proxies, missiles, and foreign adventurism. Targeting that revenue stream — through sanctions, interdiction, or striking export infrastructure in a wartime setting — would, in his view, choke the regime’s ability to operate. He made the point on Alex Marlow’s show as a policy prescription, not a classroom thought experiment. Whether you cheer or bristle, the proposal is clear and aimed at real leverage.

Why this matters: money fuels Tehran, and markets will notice

This isn’t theoretical. Industry trackers show Iran moved roughly 1.5 to 1.8 million barrels per day in the 2025–2026 period. That translates into tens — some months hundreds — of millions of dollars a day depending on price. Cut that off and Tehran’s purse strings tighten fast. But don’t kid yourself: choking those flows would also lift global prices, spike inflation, and send a shock through energy markets. Analysts warned that a real disruption to Iranian exports or to the Strait of Hormuz could push Brent well above $100 a barrel in prolonged scenarios. So a policy that starves a regime could also squeeze American families at the pump.

Practical problems: law, allies, and global side effects

West is right that oil is a center of gravity. He’s also asking for a hard job. Naval blockades and interdictions are tools of war under international law and come with strict limits. Unilateral moves without coalition buy‑in invite legal questions and push buyers — like China — toward workarounds such as ship‑to‑ship transfers. Enforcement requires insurance markets, ports, and trading partners to cooperate. In short: you can try to choke Iran’s cash, but you need allies, legal cover, and a plan for the global market fallout. Otherwise you just trade Tehran’s cash for American economic pain.

What Washington should actually do

If policymakers take West’s basic point seriously, here’s the sober playbook: build an international coalition to clamp down on buyers and shipping, tighten targeted sanctions that go after the intermediaries moving cash, and prepare economic buffers for higher oil prices at home. Military options should be precise and legally vetted, not impulsive. Congress should demand options, not empty slogans, and the administration must show it can coordinate with allies who actually matter in the oil trade. If we’re going to use energy as leverage, do it smartly — not as a partisan photo op.

Allen West offered a blunt but realistic lever: follow the money. Republicans should welcome hard talk about strategy, but we should also insist on a real plan that accounts for legal limits, global buyers, and the cost to American households. The goal is to weaken Tehran — not to hand the American public a higher gas bill while leaving the regime intact. If the United States is going to play its cards on Iran’s oil and gas, let’s play to win and avoid the predictable chaos of half measures.

Written by Staff Reports

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